The issue of national minorities in Ukraine, in particular the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia, is a sensitive topic that lies at the intersection of human rights, interstate relations and national security. Assessment of Ukraine’s policy towards the Hungarian minority necessitates a balanced analysis, considering both international law and a state’s sovereign right to defend itself.
To begin with, it is necessary to understand who Hungarians are in Ukraine. According to the 2001 census, Hungarians numbered approximately 150,000 people, mostly concentrated in the Zakarpattia region, where they are primarily located in the border areas, particularly in the Berehove district, and constitute a local majority. They speak Hungarian, have a Hungarian cultural identity, and maintain close ties with Hungary.
International legal framework
The European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (ratified by Ukraine) guarantees the right of minorities to use their language in education, media, culture, etc. At the same time, the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities provides for the right to preserve cultural identity and education in their mother tongue. Yes, indeed, according to these documents, Ukraine is obliged to ensure the
rights of minorities, but this does not exclude the state’s right to regulate the spheres of education, security and administrative structure.
Ukraine’s policy towards the Hungarian minority Law on Education (2017) and Law on Complete General Secondary Education (2020). According to this Law, the transition to the state language of instruction in educational institutions is established from grade 5. Up to grade 5 (that is, 12 years of age), teaching can be in the language of national minorities, and you will agree that this is quite tolerant, leaving the possibility of studying the native language as a separate subject. But then, after grade 5, teaching in the state language is aimed at integrating minorities into the national space. After the adoption of this law in 2017, Budapest called it an “infringement of the rights of Hungarians”. It began to sow discord in Ukraine’s domestic politics and used this as a formal pretext to start blocking NATO-Ukraine meetings. Once again, I would like to clarify that the law is not aimed at minorities, but at improving the proficiency of the state language, which is essential for integration, career development and national unity. And what’s wrong with that?
National security and risks to Ukraine
In the third year of the war, we can see how important the above issues were and remain. Therefore, the state authorities should take into account such issues as the participation of Hungarian officials in political activities in Transcarpathia, or the appropriate Hungarian funding for organisations and schools, without proper coordination with the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine. Such factors pose a risk of forming a “state within a state”, especially in times of war, where issues of citizen loyalty and territorial integrity are of particular importance. Therefore, I would like to ask: Is Ukraine’s policy “right”?
Yes, especially in terms of defending the state. It is correct and justified. Strengthening the state language, counteracting external influence, and unifying the educational space are key tools for protecting national unity. From the perspective of international law, it is appropriate to note that the laws of Ukraine do not prohibit the study of the Hungarian language, but only establish a balance between minority rights and state language policy. Ukrainian policy is within the limits of what is acceptable from a human rights perspective.
But we need to be especially careful, especially since it is our close neighbour. It is important to keep this in mind and avoid discrimination or marginalisation of minorities, and to engage in a more active dialogue with local communities, not just react to Budapest’s actions. We need to clearly explain the language and education policies to the communities themselves. The Ukrainian state will need to support the study of the Hungarian language outside the main curriculum and strengthen the state’s presence in the region – without excessive centralisation or pressure. It is also required to utilise a tool such as multi-level diplomacy – working with both the community and the Hungarian government.
Ukraine has the right – and even the duty – to formulate policies that ensure national unity, including through language and education. Policies towards the Hungarian minority are largely justified from a security perspective, but require a sensitive and diplomatic approach to avoid increasing tensions and losing support within the community.
МК

